Various methods exist to detect delirium as a reference standard. Accurate reports will occur when influential stimuli are salient and are plausible causes of the responses they produce, and will not occur when stimuli are not salient or are not plausible causes.Delirium is a common postoperative complication of hip fracture. This suggests that though people may not be able to observe directly their cognitive processes, they will sometimes be able to report accurately about them. Instead, their reports are based on a priori, implicit causal theories, or judgments about the extent to which a particular stimulus is a plausible cause of a given response. It is proposed that when people attempt to report on their cognitive processes, that is, on the processes mediating the effects of a stimulus on a response, they do not do so on the basis of any true introspection. Subjects are sometimes (a) unaware of the existence of a stimulus that importantly influenced a response, (b) unaware of the existence of the response, and (c) unaware that the stimulus has affected the response. The study of how to improve eyewitness accuracy by manipulating the methods used to obtain information from eyewitnesses is known as a systemvariable approach to eyewitness research (Wells, 1978).Įvidence is reviewed which suggests that there may be little or no direct introspective access to higher order cognitive processes. The account one gets from an eyewitness depends very much on the methods used to solicit the information. The work of Elizabeth Loftus on the effects of misleading questions serves to make this point (see Loftus, 1979 and this volume). The second source of inaccuracy in eyewitness accounts can be attributed to the methods the justice system uses to obtain information from eyewitnesses. But inaccuracies in eyewitness accounts are not entirely attributable to human imperfections in sensation, perception, and memory. These limitations exist at sensory levels (for example, Sperling, 1960), attentional levels (for example, Broadbent, 1958 Deutsch & Deutsch, 1963 Triesman, 1964), and memory levels (for example, Miller, 1956 Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). First, there are some inherent limitations in human information processing. This chapter, and much of the empirical research on which it is based, operates on an assumption that there are two sources of unreliability in eyewitness accounts. And therein rests the problem what appears to be a simple identification is in fact the result of a series of complex and potentially unreliable social and cognitive events that began unfolding several months earlier when the event was originally witnessed. That's the man I saw.” Simple, clean, and convincing. Then, in the hush of the courtroom, points to the defendant and says “That's him. The authors describe their experience as members of the working group, which included prosecutors, defense lawyers, and law enforcement officers from across the country.Īn eyewitness takes the stand and describes salient aspects of an event that he or she witnessed several months earlier. Attorney General Janet Reno to notice the eyewitness literature in psychology and to order the National Institute of Justice to coordinate the development of national guidelines. DNA exoneration cases were particularly important in leading U.S. Additional pressure for guidelines was applied by psychologists through expert testimony that focused on deficiencies in the procedures used to collect the eyewitness evidence. The authors describe how eyewitness researchers shaped understanding of eyewitness evidence issues over ii long period of time through research and theory on system variables. Scientific psychology played a large role in making a case for these procedural guidelines as well as in setting a scientific foundation for the guidelines, and eyewitness researchers directly participated in writing them. Department of Justice released the first national guide for collecting and preserving eyewitness evidence in October 1999.
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